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When the U.S. Supreme Court handed down its ruling in Louisiana v. Callais that led to the suspension of May primaries in the state, Houston-area leaders and analysts interpreted it as a significant shift in voting rights jurisprudence and warned it could weaken one of the last major protections for Black political representation.

For Bishop James Dixon II, president of the Houston branch of the NAACP and pastor of the Community of Faith Church, the language sounded alarming.

Bishop James Dixon II, president of the Houston branch of the NAACP, criticized the Louisiana v. Callais ruling. Credit: Tannistha Sinha/Defender

โ€œWhat we’ve just witnessed is the absolute obliteration of the Voting Rights Act,โ€ Dixon said. โ€œIt concerns me that most citizens are not aware of how devastating the Supreme Court’s decision is. What they just ruled is that unless racist intent can be proven, then the Supreme Court will support any redistricting plot or anything else that has to do with racism. Who can ever prove intent?โ€

He added that the decision โ€œtakes us in complete reverse, undoes all of that work and its progress, and America has gone back 50 years by that decision.โ€

What the ruling decided

The Supreme Court ruled 6-3 in Louisiana v. Callais that Louisiana’s 2024 congressional map was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander. The map had created a second majority-Black district, which Louisiana drew after a federal court found its 2022 map likely violated Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.

Republican Governor Jeff Landry suspended the state’s May 16 primary election for the U.S. House after the Supreme Court ruling, which now gives the Republican-majority state legislature the chance to redraw its maps and possibly dismantle its majority Black and Democratic-held districts.

The justices ruled to keep a federal court ruling that barred Louisiana from using the map in future elections. The decision is presumably the last chapter in a lengthy dispute that rose from the stateโ€™s efforts to adopt a new congressional map after the 2020 census.

The first map, which was adopted in 2022, comprised one majority-Black district out of the six allotted to the state. Then, a group of Black voters went to federal court and argued that the map violated Section 2 of the VRA and diluted Black voting power. A federal judge agreed that the 2022 map likely violated Section 2, and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit upheld that ruling. It instructed Louisiana to draw a new map by January 2024 or risk having the court adopt one for it.

In response, the state created a second majority-Black district.

However, a separate group of โ€œnon-African Americanโ€ voters challenged the new map, arguing it was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander because race was the dominant factor in drawing district lines.

In an opinion, Justice Samuel Alito said the Constitution โ€œalmost never permitsโ€ racial discrimination by government, even when states claim they are complying with the Voting Rights Act. Alito wrote that Section 2 of the VRA guarantees voters the opportunity to cast their ballots for a candidate, but the candidateโ€™s chances of winning depend on choices behind redistricting efforts.

โ€œWhat we’ve just witnessed is the absolute obliteration of the Voting Rights Act.โ€

Bishop James Dixon II, president of the Houston branch of the NAACP and pastor of the Community of Faith Church

The Court ruled Louisiana did not need to create a second majority-Black district because the Black plaintiffs failed to fully prove that the original map violated Section 2 under the Courtโ€™s revised standards. It tightened the long-standing Gingles test, the standard used since 1986 to determine whether minority voting power has been diluted. 

Under the new interpretation, plaintiffs must produce alternative maps that satisfy all of a stateโ€™s political goals, such as protecting incumbents, and must also prove that racial voting patterns cannot be explained solely by political party affiliation.

โ€œFirst, vast social change has occurred throughout the country and particularly in the South, which have made great strides in ending entrenched racial discrimination,โ€ Alito wrote. โ€œSecond, a full-blown two-party system has emerged in the States where ยง2 suits are most common, and there is frequently a correlation between race and party preference.โ€

In a dissent, Justice Elena Kagan accused the majority of effectively gutting Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. She argued that the ruling restores an older standard that Congress explicitly rejected in 1982, forcing plaintiffs to prove intentional discrimination rather than discriminatory impact. Kagan warned that the new rules will make successful voting-rights lawsuits โ€œnearly impossibleโ€ and allow states to justify racially discriminatory maps simply by claiming political motivations.

โ€œThe Voting Rights Act,โ€ she wrote, โ€œisโ€”or, now more accurately, wasโ€”โ€˜one of the most consequential, efficacious, and amply justified exercises of federal legislative power in our Nationโ€™s history.โ€™ It was born of the literal blood of Union soldiers and civil rights marchers. It ushered in awe-inspiring change, bringing this Nation closer to fulfilling the ideals of democracy and racial equality.โ€ 

Kagan added that only Congress can โ€œsay it is no longer neededโ€”not the Members of this Court.โ€

The ruling stops short of overturning Section 2 entirely.

After the ruling, lawyers for the โ€œnon-African Americanโ€ voters asked the Supreme Court to immediately finalize its judgment rather than wait the usual 32 days. They argued that Louisiana lawmakers were considering delaying election deadlines so a new congressional map could still be adopted before the 2026 elections. 

How Houston can be impacted

The Callais decision came days after the high court upheld Texas’ latest congressional redistricting plan.

Black residents make up roughly 21% of the city’s population and about 19% of Harris County.

Under the newly redistricted map, Congressional District 18 now has a majority Black voting-age population, while TX-9 and TX-29 were reshaped into districts with Hispanic pluralities or slim majorities.

โ€œThis ruling weakens critical protections under the Voting Rights Act and undermines decades of progress toward fair and equal representation,โ€ said TX-18 Congressman Christian Menefee, who is running to represent the seat in a May runoff against Congressman Al Green under the maps. โ€œLetโ€™s be clear about what this means: Black and Brown communities that have fought for generations to have their voices heard are now being told their representation can be diluted and dismissed. That is wrong, and itโ€™s unacceptable. But this fight is far from over. We will not allow this decision to erase the hard-won gains communities of color have made.โ€

Texas Southern University professor Michael Adams warned the ruling could weaken a legal tool Black voters have to challenge discriminatory maps. Credit: Tannistha Sinha/Defender

Michael Adams, a professor of public affairs and director of the master of Public Affairs graduate program at TSUโ€™s Barbra Jordan-Mickey Leland School of Public Affairs, said the implications for Houston could become especially significant during the next round of redistricting and future legal challenges.

Adams added that the decision must be understood in the broader context of the VRA’s history.

โ€œThe Voting Rights Act is the most comprehensive piece of legislation that Black [people had],โ€ Adams said, pointing to Section 2 as one of the last remaining tools Black voters had to challenge discriminatory maps after the Supreme Courtโ€™s 2013 Shelby v. Holder decision that he said weakened federal preclearance requirements.

Adams said Louisiana v. Callais does not completely eliminate Section 2, but makes it significantly harder for Black voters to use it in court.

โ€œNot necessarily saying that itโ€™s totally dead, but they have made it very difficult,โ€ Adams said. โ€œThe U.S. Supreme Court has said that partisan gerrymandering is okay. You can do that, but you canโ€™t use racial gerrymandering. And what they did in the Callais decision, they weakened that by saying that you have to show intent, and thatโ€™s highly unlikely.โ€

Adams warned the ruling could have โ€œdownstreamโ€ effects beyond congressional maps.

โ€œItโ€™s going to impact the state legislature,โ€ he said. โ€œItโ€™s going to impactโ€ฆcounty commissionersโ€™ court races, even city council districts, the way they draw theirs. Even though city council races are nonpartisan, you can draw them so that you can have an at-large election system.โ€

Locally, Adams said Houstonโ€™s 18th Congressional District could be vulnerable if Texas lawmakers decide to redraw lines again. He added that the ruling comes as several Southern states are already moving toward new redistricting fights.

Dixon noted a pattern.

โ€œWe see already other states are lining up to redraw their districts in order to eliminate African Americans having an opportunity to elect someone of their choice,โ€ he said, adding that his congregation is planning a community forum to discuss the ruling’s ramifications in the weeks ahead. โ€œThis completely reverses all of the work done by Dr. Martin Luther King, John Lewis, and all of the other champions of voting rights who suffered, bled, and many who died to help move America forward.โ€

I cover education, housing, and politics in Houston for the Houston Defender Network as a Report for America corps member. I graduated with a master of science in journalism from the University of Southern...